From fourniel@ere.umontreal.caThu Sep 21 10:31:24 1995 Date: Tue, 19 Sep 1995 09:58:31 -0400 (EDT) From: CTC National Office Reply to: beijing-conf@tristram.edc.org To: Beijing Conference on Women Subject: Dalai Lama's Speech (fwd) H.H. The Dalai Lama's Speech to the Chinese Students and Scholars Boston September 9, 1995 Today, I am very happy to be here to meet with Chinese students and scholars. I have always attached great importance to personal contacts with Chinese people and to establishing a sincere dialogue with them. Wherever I go, I try to meet with Chinese scholars, students, journalists, democracy activists, Chinese Buddhists and others. Some Chinese nationals have also been coming to India to see me, and I always try to set aside some time to meet and talk to them. For centuries the Tibetan and Chinese peoples have lived as neighbors; friendly for most of the period, but occasionally at war and in confrontation with each other. In the future, also, we have no other alternative but to live as neighbors. Therefore, I have always encouraged Tibetans in exile to meet with Chinese people, to make friends with them and develop personal relationships with them. I make it a point to ask the Tibetans to understand the distinction between the Chinese people and Chinese government policy. Particularly after the Tiananmen tragedy, with a large number of Chinese intellectuals and students coming into exile, an opportunity was provided to establish a dialogue with the Chinese people and to develop an understanding between the Tibetans and Chinese. It is not because we have a desire to explore and widen the rift between the Chinese people and their government. Rather, as we witnessed in the course of the Tiananmen movement, Chinese people are no less enthusiastic than any other peoples who yearn for freedom, democracy, equality and human rights. I was especially moved by the fact that those young people who grew up with the teachings of "power comes from the barrel of gun" were actually following a "non-violent" approach, an approach which is also at the heart of my belief. Of course, it is not easy for the Tibetans to be friendly and open-minded to the Chinese people, and not everyone was happy with me when I tried to encourage them to have contact with the Chinese people. It is also likely that our Chinese friends feel the same way when they try to interact with us "reactionary rebel bandits", "slave owners" and "separatists", as the Chinese government refers to us. Over the years, there has been significant progress in our mutual efforts to have closer interaction between our two communities. Now, Tibetans and Chinese in the US, Canada, Europe, Australia and Japan are getting more and more familiar with each other. Chinese human rights and democracy activists inside China, like Wei Jingsheng and others are urging their government to respect Tibetan people's basic human rights and their right to self-rule. Overseas Chinese scholars are discussing a constitution for a federal China which would include a confederation status for Tibet. Above all, the fact that we are meeting here under the joint sponsorship of the International Campaign for Tibet and the 21st Century China Foundation and that you, our Chinese friends, have come to discuss this event is a clear indication that the increasing dialogue between the Tibetans and Chinese is having a very positive result. It vindicates my belief that in the absence of a Chinese government response, the person to person dialogue between the Tibetans and Chinese is laying a solid foundation for a better understanding of each other. Based on my belief that the only way to achieve our goal is through dialogue and peaceful human contact, I have, over the last fifteen years, tried to engage with the Chinese government in serious negotiations on the future status of Tibet. Tibet had been an independent country for over a thousand years and I believe that the Tibetan people do have the right to chose independence. However, it is also a political reality that Tibet is now under Chinese rule. Therefore, in order to find a mutually acceptable solution, I have tried a "middle-way" approach to solve the problem. My approach is also in response to Mr. Deng Xiaoping's message that "anything except independence can be discussed". Accordingly, over the last fifteen years, six official delegations were sent to China and Tibet, and my personal envoy visited China at least ten times. I also made several proposals to the Chinese government. These proposals were announced at prestigious international forums to show my seriousness and sincerity. Unfortunately, the Chinese government's response to these proposals has been one of total rejection. I am referred to as a "splittist" who is trying to internationalize the Tibet issue. In fact, what I have been trying to do is merely to preserve Tibet's cultural and national identity and to find a fair solution to our problem, one which is mutually acceptable and beneficial to both Tibet and China. The Chinese government's lack of respect for Tibet's culture, religion, and tradition; its denial of true autonomy for Tibet; its propaganda efforts to portray Tibet as the "most barbarous, most backward, the darkest" region in the world and its high-handed repression in Tibet have all contributed to the alienation of millions of Tibetans. The Chinese government's actions have aroused resentment among Tibetans who see it as chauvinistic and colonialistic. It is therefore fair to say that the Chinese government policy is splitting Tibet from China. Take the recent controversy over the announcement of the Panchen Lama's reincarnation as an example. The notion of "reincarnation" is alien and absurd to an atheistic communist government. On the other hand, it is the fundamental cornerstone of Tibetan Buddhism. Now a communist government is telling us whom to chose and who has the right to approve it. This illustrates total disrespect for the traditions and customs of the Tibetan people. As far as "internationalizing the Tibetan issue" is concerned, Tibet became an international issue after China's invasion of Tibet and again after China crushed the 1959 Tibetan uprising, after which over a hundred thousand Tibetans fled Tibet and became refugees all over the world. Instead of trying to further internationalize the issue, I tried from 1978 to 1987 to resolve the issue by exclusively negotiating with the Chinese government without any international involvement. Unfortunately, my efforts were ignored by the Chinese government. Over the last two years, China has set a pre-condition for negotiations which demands that I not only abandon Tibetan independence but also recognize that Tibet has historically always been a part of China. Our history shows, however, that Tibet was an independent country and was not a part of China. The Chinese government may have a different interpretation of history but forcing us to recognize their interpretation is not going to lead us anywhere. Therefore, rather than focusing on history, I propose that we reserve our different interpretations of history and look to the future, as Mr. Deng Xiaoping used to say, "Look Forward". History is not changeable, but the future can be changed. Recently, there have been strains in US-China relations. I have no intention to take advantage of this. On the contrary, I would like to urge America to improve its relations with China. American leaders should hold talks with Chinese leaders and seek no isolation and containment of China. A strong and positive relationship between the US and China would not only benefit the two countries, it could also help solve the Tibet problem. I would also like to help the Chinese leadership to see that force and intimidation will not help improve China's image in the world. For example, the international community did not respond well to the recent Chinese over-reaction to Taiwanese President Li Tenghui's US visit or to Chinese missiles tests in the Taiwan Strait. Today, when the world is entering the 21st century, China is also at a critical conjunction. It is rapidly becoming an economic as well as a political and military power. At the same time, Chinese society is undergoing profound changes. The Chinese leadership is facing a generational change. Freedom, democracy, equality, human rights will sooner or later be demanded by its people. A transformation from the current totalitarian regime into a more open, democratic one is inevitable, the only question is how and when, and whether it will be a smooth transition or a hard one. A peace loving, democratic, free China; a China which respects human rights; a prosperous, stable, pluralistic China; a China with a sense of security built on good relationships with neighboring countries, is in its own best interest, not to speak of the interests of Tibet, Asia and the world at large. The future China, while in transition from a totalitarian state to a more open, democratic society, will inevitably have to face the Tibet problem. If the problem is solved properly, it would not only help China's own transition, it could also help bring Tibetans into alliance with China's democratization process. If the issue is not properly solved, China's own transition could be in jeopardy. Resorting to force to suppress a peaceful movement in Tibet would only play into the hands of anti-democratic elements in the Chinese society and strengthen their position, damaging China's own efforts to promote a smooth transition. Also, continuing the current harsh policy in Tibet will not only not solve the problem, it will further complicate the situation and make it even harder to solve. It will also increase impatience among the Tibetans and increase the danger of violence. This is definitely not in the best interest of Tibet or China. For our part, we seek to solve the Tibet issue in a spirit of reconciliation, compromise and understanding. Solving of the Tibet problem needs a soft landing, not a hard crash. Under any circumstances, the Tibetan movement must remain firmly committed to non-violent, peaceful means. We seek a sustainable relationship with China based on mutual respect and mutual benefit. We seek a long lasting good relationship with China. We seek no hostility toward China. If we choose to stay in one country, we should live together as true brothers and sisters. If we choose to be separate, we should become good neighbors. A long lasting good relationship with China should always be the top priority of Tibet. When solving the Tibet problem, not only do we need to think about the fundamental interest of Tibet and the Tibetan people, we will also seriously take into consideration China's strategic concerns, economic interests and the Chinese people's national feelings. Chinese who are living and working in Tibet, their lives, property and their human rights will be protected. Eventually and peacefully a workable arrangement concerning their status will be made. My proposal made in Strassbourg, France, 1988, outlined in principle these considerations. China is a great country with 5,000 years of civilization. Mankind has benefited enormously from this great civilization. China today is increasingly becoming a political, economic and military power. A world power which contributes to the peace and safeguards human dignity will be greatly appreciated and admired by the billions of people. A world power which respects the rights of small nations is a truly powerful nation. A fair and a peaceful resolution of the Tibet problem will not only benefit Tibet and Tibetans, it will ultimately benefit China in the long run. Finally, it is my strong belief and hope that however small a nation Tibet might be, we can still contribute to the peace and prosperity of China. Decades of communist rule and the commercial activities in recent years, both driven by extreme materialism, be it communist or capitalist, are destroying much of China's spiritual and moral values. A huge spiritual and moral vacuum is thus being rapidly created in the Chinese society. In this situation, the Tibetan Buddhist culture and philosophy would be able to serve millions of Chinese brothers and sisters in their search for moral and spiritual values. After all, traditionally Buddhism is not an alien philosophy to the Chinese people. - end -